CHI flat iron The CHI Hair Straighteners outbreak of witch¬craft in 1590-1 led to reforms in Scorrish legal processes rehiring ro witch trials that attempted to minimize these inconsistencies and hinder the development of moncler clothing panics. In 159" laws were passed giving the Privy Council rhe right to determine how far trials could proceed. While these laws did nor prevent local wirchcraft trials, they placed them under increased governmental supervision, much like those in England.Some recent scholars have emphasized how the legal and political process produced documents that must l>e understood as created objects. For these authors, the "aufhen- ric speech of" rhe witch" is difficult to find and may even be a scholarly chimera (Sta- vreva 2000: 319), bur wirchcrafr narratives must be read as layered and polyvalent moncler jackes texts. In rhe rrials themselves documents were nor produced verbatim; testimony was reorganized and reworded ro fir legal requirements. Ar rimes it was composed several days after the fact. Even the process of questioning contained narrative and creative components, where rhe accused, accusers, and judges interacted ro produce testimony and processes that satisfied, or attempted ro satisfy, the ideologies ot rhose involved. The transmission of these materials to print adds further narrative layers. When later Elizabethan pamphlets do not reprint legal texts, comparisons between those accounts and rhe legal manuscripts show some striking differences. Often these moncler coats differences enhanced rhe pamphlet's marketability, reinforcing the need for wirchcrafr scholars ro recognize that their sources were in parr commodities (Gibson 1999: 1-49; Sravreva 2000: 325; Rushton 2001). Witchcraft accounts have plots, and their moncler emplorment should affect scholars' interpretations. picks up ilie- earlier theme of origins, analyzing the "double reading" that Utopia invites with its mixed elements of old and new, comic and serious, critical and speculative, hopeful and negative, and exploring Utopia's relationship to medieval travel literature, Edenic fantasies, moncler jackets humanism, mapping, and the new concept of zero. If" Utopia attends ro the early phase of Henry V11 Is reign, (Catherine Parr and Anne Askew are figures from rhe later phase. Joan Pong l.inton analyzes the literary "voices" of these two prominent Prorestanr women, locating Parr and Askew in relation ro "the period's religious and gendered politics," conceptions of authorship, and pietistic practices. Parr and Askew exercise rhetorical power in early print culture through not only their voices but also their enigmatic silences. Religion continues as .HI xxial topic, with Robert llornback's study of the probably Edward¬ian humanisr farce. Gammer Carton's KtxJle. Ilornback unearths, among other things, the play's boldly scatological anti-Papal satire, and his richly conrextualiziiig chapter goes far toward establishing this CHI Hair Straightener insufficiently recognized play as a Tudor master¬piece.
Most commonly a wirch- crafr accusarion would be broughr before a Justice of rhe Peace, who would issue a warrant for the accused's arrest and take pre-trial testimony (Gibson 2000: 3-4). The Justice s clerk would write down this testimony in a coherent form, even if ir had been mangled in the telling. If the evidence was sufficient, rhe accused would typi¬cally be jailed while awaiting trial. In England torture was rarely used and then only exrra-judicially in royal prerogative courts, such as flic Star Chamber. Generally torture was not an issue because the trials were held before the assize courts, biannual circuits of two judges through one of the six judicial regions into CHI flat iron which England was divided. The trials were of necessity often brief, 20-30 minutes. During the trial the accuser and accused confronted each other before the assize judges and a jury of those meeting strict property requirements (Dursron 2000: 185-261, 275-85). There were few formal rules of evidence moncler and generally no legal representation, ale hough in 1563 legislation was passed allowing judges ro penalize perjury and compel witnesses ro be present ar rhe rrials (Rushron 2001: 25). Judges assessed penalties and guided rhe court and jury, sometimes in quite invasive ways, as moncler coats in rhe St Osyth trials in 1582 and the Mary Glover case in 1602—3. Convicted witches were most commonly CHI Hair Straightener hung and rarely burned, moncler jackets bur rhe fear of being burned appears among rhe accused in Tudor pamphlets.The Scottish legal system was less CHI Hair Straighteners structured in the sixteenth cenrury than that of England, and the venues lor prosecution appear to be more diffuse. Often witchcraft litigation began in the sessions of the Kirk (Scottish Presbyterian Church), where an accusation would be brought before rhe presiding church officials and testimony taken. Confession moncler clothing was central to Scottish witchcraft trials, and torture was an accepted parr of Scottish law, only abandoned in 1708. Trials could also originate in commis¬sions issued moncler jackes from Edinburgh, which authorized officials to search for witches. In these eases local lortls and clergy were frequently the judicial officials, and their standards of proof could be more flexible than those called for in statute and legal rexrbooks (Sharpe 2002: 182-97; Normand and Roberts 2000: 84-91, 105-27). In addition, local custom and reputation appeared to influence trials in Scotland even more than in England, in part because of the j>ersonnel who administered the rrials and in part because of the lack of a strong, centralized supervisory body.
These rexrs often start with rhe complaint againsr rhe person accused of wirchcrafr (information) and rhejusrice of the Peaces examination of the accused (examination); the latter generally comprises rhe bulk of the pamphlet. At the end there is a brief note giving rhe fare ol rhe accused. In rhe 1 590s this structure changed ro one based on a rhird-person narration of rhe case, and this new partem would dominate in seventeenth-century England. In these later documents a moncler coats third-party — presiding judge, physician, moncler clothing or CHI Hair Straighteners even person aftiicred by the witch - often provided this commentary and, not surprisingly, often rreated rhe case more polemically and less procedurally. In both situations, however, witchcraft pam¬phlets were produced because there was public interest in these srories, an imporranr and sometimes slighted element in the composition and dissemination of moncler published witchcraft cases. Printers appreciated rhe cases' commercial potential and were quite willing to enhance ir. In fact, printers themselves apparently hired individuals ro copy these documents; woodcuts were produced to illustrate the highpoinrs ot the CHI flat iron case, frequently the witch's execution; and distinctive lettering marked key CHI Hair Straightener points in the text. The commercial and promotional aspects of later Tudor pamphlets arc even more apparent, given rhar individuals involved in the case may have written them (Gibson 1999: 118—39). The participant's role in dissemination can be striking, as in that of Richard Galis who wrote A Brief Treatise Contemning the Most Strange and Horrible Crueltye of Elizabeth Stile (1579) because he could nor get his local Berkshire magis¬trates ro believe that witches were attacking him (Gibson 2003: xi). The Mary Glover moncler jackes litigation of 1602-3 inspired a slew of pamphlets arguing tor the medical, not magical, roots of her illness and tor rhe efficacy of prayer in ridding her other demons, all written by, or with the direct input of, someone involved in her bewitchment. Providing shocking accounts of witchcraft used in attempts to kill the king of Scotland, Neuts front Scotland found an audience throughout England.The need ro conrcxrualizc sources about the sixteenth-century English and Scottish witchcraft trials has led scholars to focus increasingly on rhe legal structures and processes of these trials themselves. In both England and Scotland witches could be trial before both secular and church courts, but their distinct legal systems and dif¬ferent levels of centralizarion led to divergent trial processes. In England rhe secular courts were rarely involved in witchcraft rrials until rhe 1 542 witchc raft statute; from this stage, however, they came moncler jackets ro dominate rhe proceedings.
Overall, Thomas depicted medieval England as a world where the supernatural and mundane regularly interacted and saw his project as tracing a Weberian "disen¬chantment" of that world rhar extended into the moncler clothing eighteenth century.In Scottish wirchcraft studies Christina Lamer occupies much rhe same position as that held by Thomas and Macfarlane in English analyses (Larner 19b'1 CHI Hair Straighteners and 1984). Although indebted to CHI Hair Straightener Thomas. Larner advocated the need ro see witchcraft trials in their philosophical context, ro embed the trials in rhe legal culture which formed them, and to examine the political currents which influenced the development and passage of statutes against witches. Emphasizing the elites' role in initiating and perpetuating Scottish witch trials, Larner described witchcraft accusations as arising from a process of Christianizarion in Scottish society. Larner also contributed to rhe evaluation of genders role in Scottish witchcraft. For Larner, witchcraft was clearly tied ro gender; ro deny rhar women were more likely than men ro be accused of witchcraft would be disingenuous. On rhe other hand, witches were nor necessarily women, so that wirchcraft was not and should nor moncler jackes be linked moncler coats to women automatically. Given the connections between witchcraft studies and modern feminism, this claim has probably been her mosc controversial.These t hree scholars, and more recent ones, have relied on a surprisingly finite but diverse series of documents. Material about witchcraft can be found in archival and manuscript sourccs, such as sccular and ccclcsiastical court records, commonplacc books, and diaries, and in printed materials like pamphlets, treatises, plays, and even songs. Given that archival materials on wirchcraft are relatively rare for both England and Scotland in the sixteenth century and that witchcraft pamphlets published prior to the 1590s tend to reprint legal documents verbatim, many modern editions have concentrated on prinred marcrials. Although moncler the massive online compendia o(Early English Books Online (EEBO) and its earlier microfilm version of materials in rhe English Short Title Catalog are rhe largesr and mosr widely moncler jackets disseminated collections of Tudor prinred materials, witchcraft scholars have also published edirions integrating primary and secondary materials that make original witchcraft rexts more readily available (Macdonald 1991; Normand and Roberts 2000; Sharpe 2003 vols. 1 and 2; Gibson 2000 and 2007, to name some ot the more recent). For Scorland, there is also rhe Survey of Scottish Witchcraft (2003), a database of everyone accused of witchcraft in Scotland between 1563 and 1736.The lirst English witchcraft pamphlet. The Examination and Confession of Certaine Wytchcs CHI flat iron at Cfjelmsforde in the Conn tie of Essex, follows a standard parrcrn for early Eliza¬bethan witchcraft pamphlets, both in its archival origins and in its transition ro print. Like many Tudor witchcraft pamphlets, Tin Examination reproduces various legal documents comprising rhe trial record.
Both cunning folk and witches could remove curses cast moncler coats by other witches, find treasure or lost ircms, and provide amulets or other magical talismans. Indeed, England had a long medieval tradition of men and women who could tap into supernatural forces (Davies 2003; Wilby 200")). Such individuals were also pros¬ecuted for wirchcrafr in rhe Middle Ages, although more for actions deriving from wirchcrafr than for l>eiiig wirches. In England and Scorland, CHI Hair Straightener as in much of western and central Europe, wirchcrafr prosecutions declined in the first half of rhe sixteenth cenrury. By rhe middle of rhe century, perhaps because of newly strengthened laws, witchcraft prosecutions were on the rise. In surviving English church court records from rhis time, there were generally several accusations a year, and in 1559 a Bill aguirisr witchcraft was introduced in Parliament. In Scotland there is evidence for sporadic prosecutions in Kirk courts during much of the second half moncler of the sixteenth cenrury, and its first large-scale panic was in 1 568 (Jones and Xcll 2005). The passage of the Elizabethan Witchcraft Act and a Scottish parliamentary Act in 1563 thus reflected growing activity ami prosccurion against wirches. Approximately 2,000 people were tried and 300 executed for witchcraft between 1560 and 1706 in England, and Scotland's numbers were higher: Approximately rhree times as many were tried, even though Scotland's population was one-quarter that of England (Levack 2001: 210). A sign moncler jackes of rhe increasemoncler jackets (Religion and tlx Decline of Magic, 1971) continue to influence interpretations. Macfarlanes case study of Essex linked the rise of witchcraft accusations to the subversion of traditional smoncler clothing and economic stresses created increased demands CHI flat iron tor charity but also inclined individuals to deny rhar charity. As an outgrowth of subsequent guilt, individuals might believe that rhe person to whom they denied charity caused later misforrunes. essentially transforming the unfortunate into witches (Thomas 1971; CHI Hair Straighteners Barry et al. 1996).